By Jinghan Zeng
Why did the chinese language Communist celebration (CCP) no longer stick with the failure of the communist regimes in japanese Europe and the Soviet Union? This ebook examines this question via learning the most important recommendations that the CCP feels it must enforce for you to stay in strength: ideological reform and the institutionalization of management succession.
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Additional resources for The Chinese Communist Party's Capacity to Rule: Ideology, Legitimacy and Party Cohesion
Example text
Driven by the changing socioeconomic and political landscapes, the justification of Mao Zedong has again become a problem for contemporary leaders. In the case of this second dilemma, the party’s concerns about existential crises are generated from the past. , from 1949–1976). In other words, the concerns about existential crises rise from what was done and said before. Unlike the second dilemma, in the third dilemma the party’s concerns about the existential crisis are generated from the CCP’s present problems – in particular the problems caused by economic growth.
Jiang, 1981). Soon after Hua Guofeng’s fall, the formulation of the “planned economy supplemented by the market economy” appeared in the 12th Party Congress report. ” This official recognition of the market marked the victory of the reformists; however, there was still much resistance to the increasing proportions of the market elements in the Chinese economy. , Tian and Zhang, 1981; Ye, 1982). The discourse of the “planned economy supplemented by the market economy” succeeded in breaking down the commonly held views of Mao’s era that the socialist economy should be a pure, planned economy.
Indeed, what Deng really argued was that it was in keeping with Mao’s ideas to focus on “seeking the truth from facts,” and thus the party should assess Mao Zedong and Mao’s legacies from the facts. The theory of “seeking truth from facts” not only helped Deng to defeat Hua Guofeng’s “two whatevers” argument, but also provided a theoretical basis to reassess Mao Zedong. Moreover, Deng Xiaoping and his supporters launched a “socialist democracy campaign” in the late 1970s. This “socialist democracy campaign” advocated a collective leadership and opposed the cult of personality, thereby undermining Hua’s position (Goodman, 1985).
