By Bill Brugger
The booklet offers a thematic exam of republican concept from the Italian Renaissance, via 17th- and early-eighteenth-century England, the overdue- eighteenth-century Enlightenment and the stories of the early American republic to modern debates. It maps out a republican excellent variety in line with 4 subject matters - renowned sovereignty, a view of heritage that is delicate to systemic corruption, an insistence on civic advantage and, following Philip Pettit, a belief of liberty as non-domination. It evaluates the acceptance of these issues to liberals, communitarians, socialists, environmentalists and feminists and examines their relevance to population of the non-Western global. The booklet contributes to a number of topical debates facing the uniqueness of a particularly republican culture, the eclipse of virtue-centred pondering within the eighteenth century, the reassessment of the us innovative culture, the advantages of liberalism as opposed to communitarianism and the waves of democracy that are at present celebrated and criticized all over the world.
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Extra resources for Republican Theory in Political Thought: Virtuous or Virtual
Example text
The liberal position, by contrast, considered feeling, like motivation as discussed earlier in connection with virtues, as relatively unimportant (Pettit 1993b: 169–71; 1997: 71–3). That distinction makes analytical sense though we return to the empirical question discussed earlier. It is difficult to work out who among early republicans and liberals made that distinction clear. I can only repeat: Pettit’s and others’ distinctions between liberalism and republicanism, from a twentieth-century perspective, were difficult to make in the early modern republican context.
Instead of empowering, it leaves people helpless ‘blaming their princes’ for their fate. That might be true but it was also undoubtedly the case that Harrington initially saw no contradiction between the role of a law-giver and popular sovereignty. Nor did Rousseau who was later to insist that the lawgiver’s power was legislative and not sovereign – a significant point perhaps when we consider that Cromwell declined kingship. Nevertheless Cromwell was apparently unimpressed with Oceana because 85993c01 25 01/27/99, 2:39 PM 26 Republican Theory in Political Thought he interpreted it as requiring him eventually to give up power (Fink 1962: 85).
Virtù, in the hands of Machiavelli at least, was usually translated in a macho way (Pitkin 1984: 25 passim) as determination and resourcefulness. For Machiavelli (1961: XXV, 130–1), the appropriate action depends on the extent to which Fortuna is seen as a woman: ‘Fortune is a woman and if she is to be submissive it is necessary to beat and coerce her’. Fortuna, however, may appear as a flood/storm – a natural force against which one might take precautions but which one cannot beat nor coerce (Pitkin 1984: 148–53).
