By Ellis S. Krauss
After conserving energy continually from its inception in 1955 (with the exception of a ten-month hiatus in 19931994), Japans Liberal Democratic social gathering (LDP) misplaced keep an eye on of the nationwide executive decisively in September 2009. regardless of its defeat, the LDP is still the main winning political get together in a democracy within the postWorld conflict II interval. within the upward thrust and Fall of Japans LDP, Ellis S. Krauss and Robert J. Pekkanen make clear the puzzle of the LDPs lengthy dominance and abrupt defeat. a number of questions about institutional swap in celebration politics are on the center in their research: What incentives do various electoral structures supply? How do politicians adapt to new incentives? How a lot does constitution verify habit, and what kind of chance does constitution supply politicians to persuade results? How adaptable are confirmed political firms? The electoral method Japan confirmed in 1955 ended in a half-century of one-party democracy. yet as Krauss and Pekkanen aspect, sweeping political reforms in 1994 replaced balloting principles and different key components of the electoral process. either the LDP and its adversaries needed to adapt to a brand new procedure that gave electorate votes: one for a celebration and one for a candidate. below the management of the charismatic Koizumi Junichiro, the LDP controlled to keep up its majority within the jap nutrition, yet his successors misplaced well known help as opposing events discovered the best way to function within the new electoral setting. Drawing at the insights of old institutionalism, Krauss and Pekkanen clarify how jap politics functioned ahead of and after the 1994 reform and why the patience of get together associations (factions, PARC, koenkai) and the remodeled position of occasion management contributed either to the LDPs luck at ultimate in energy for fifteen years after the reforms and to its eventual downfall. In an epilogue, the authors determine the LDPs customers within the close to and medium time period.
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Extra info for The Rise and Fall of Japan's LDP: Political Party Organizations as Historical Institutions
Example text
To create a kōenkai, a first-term Diet member named Hajime Tanaka remarked in 1970, “you have to get monetary support from party leaders, or the power of a faction” (Asahi Shimbun, January 14, 1967, 1). Note that factions are also not the inevitable result of SNTV MMD (see chap. 4). Because of the importance of factions as a complementary institution, this extra layer of contingency matters for our understanding of why kōenkai exist. Although the peculiar SNTV MMD electoral system is important for our understanding of kōenkai, kōenkai did not first came about because of the need of a dominant party to divide the vote.
In this case study, our focus is on how the kōenkai adapted to electoral reform. Yoshinori Ohno was born in Kagawa in 1935. He graduated from high school in the prefecture before attending the University of Tokyo and joining the Ministry of Finance in 1958. He married the daughter of a prominent national Diet member from Kagawa. He failed in a bid for the Kagawa governorship in 1978, but was elected for the first time to the Diet House of Representatives in 1986. The 2009 election inaugurated his eighth term in national office.
He plans on giving ten speeches in every city in the district. He also leads the morning greeting (chōrei) at two or three companies every day. Ohno values these morning greetings because it allows him to meet the younger people who are working and thus not home during the day (Interview, Yoshinori Ohno, Marugame City, August 9, 2009). , Ohno is there for another greeting. In many cases, Ohno’s office approaches the company and requests the chance to greet the workers. He would like to do even more.
