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The CDU and the Politics of Gender in Germany: Bringing by Sarah Elise Wiliarty

By Sarah Elise Wiliarty

This ebook develops the concept that of the corporatist catch-all social gathering to give an explanation for how the German Christian Democratic Union (CDU) has spoke back to altering calls for from ladies during the last 40 years. Otto Kirchheimer's vintage learn argues that once catch-all events achieve out to new constituencies, they're compelled to diminish the involvement of club to facilitate doctrinal flexibility. In a corporatist catch-all celebration, even if, societal pursuits are represented in the celebration association and coverage making is the results of inner get together negotiation. via an research of CDU coverage making within the factor components of abortion coverage, work-family coverage, and participation coverage, this booklet demonstrates that typically the CDU mobilizes instead of disempowers club. an incredible lesson of this learn is political get together needn't sacrifice inner democracy and forget about its participants so that it will be successful on the polls.

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Extra info for The CDU and the Politics of Gender in Germany: Bringing Women to the Party

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Other times, the CDU will move in the opposite direction to clarify the difference. The primary limitation of spatial voting theory is that it underspecifies how the CDU will respond. Of course the party cares about election results, but this concern does not necessarily tell us whether the CDU will accommodate or resist new demands from women. Theories of Party Organization The third alternative hypothesis considered here stems from theories of party organization. Most theories of party organization take an The Puzzle of CDU Policy Making on Women’s Issues 31 evolutionary approach that describes how party organization has changed over time (Katz and Mair 1995; von Beyme 1996).

This was the model pursued by middle class parties; the SPD preferred to extend this vision to include working class families rather than pursue women’s economic independence. The divide between middle class and socialist feminist movements in Germany dates back to this conflict at the turn of the twentieth century. Some socialist feminists agreed with their party that women should put class struggle ahead of feminist struggle. The main middle class women’s organization, the Bund deutscher Frauenvereine (BDF), considered the socialist feminists too radical and actually excluded them from joining the BDF, which was supposed to be an umbrella organization of women’s groups (Ferree, forthcoming).

The ties to both state and society need to be investigated and considered separately until there is good evidence that one kind of link precludes the other. The Puzzle of CDU Policy Making on Women’s Issues 35 openly together, cartel parties nonetheless have the effect of colluding to limit competition. In a cartel party system, democracy is seriously degraded as parties become part of the state and responsible only to themselves and not to voters. Like Kirchheimer and the other theorists in the evolutionary tradition, Katz and Mair argue that incentives from party competition are such that an increasing number of parties will evolve into cartel parties.

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