By Duncan Tanner
The character and factors of the swap in Liberal and Labour politics among 1900 and 1918 is a miles argued query. There exists an incredible literature at the nature of the events (their rules, principles and goals) and on electoral switch. Political switch and the Labour get together 1900-1918 embraces each point of those debates, delivering a brand new and coherent clarification of the total approach during which Labour emerged because the significant social gathering of competition to the Conservatives. Dr Tanner utilises huge facts from the respective occasion documents to envision the character of the Liberal and Labour events sooner than 1914, either on the political centre and within the constituencies. not like different bills he doesn't overlook the social and political adjustments wrought via battle. This publication marks a massive contribution to a perennial debate, with robust implications for the examine of electoral politics and the background of the Labour get together within the first half the 20th century.
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Edwards, From the valleys I came (1958), p. 123, and J. Griffiths, Pages from memory (1969), pp. 14,18. J. W. ); T. Shaw Desmond, Pilgrim to Paradise (1951), p. 117. g. Rev. W. B. Graham, Why Christians ought to be Socialists (1909), R. ), D. Hird, Jesus the Socialist (1898). See, for example, Clark, Colne Valley, p. 149. C. Ammon, Christianity and Socialism (1909), p. 11. For the following, Howell, ILP, P- 359- 33 The origins and viability of Progressive politics d o w n M o r r i s ' more revolutionary suggestions.
First, it might alter the balance of power between the two parties at the margins by making one slightly more attractive than was hitherto the case. Secondly, it might allow a more fundamental shift within the Progressive Alliance without dramatically undermining the broad ideological consensus. Thirdly, the secondary strands might more fundamentally shift the balance of internal power, either by a political /institutional coup, or by creating an ideological trajectory which made the Alliance strategy unnecessary.
1 2 T h e key difference between the t w o groups w a s finance. Centrists were concerned with the generation of wealth and opportunity, rather t h a n its redistribution. They were prepared to accept collectivist action where it facilitated this, or where it did not prevent economic prosperity. T h e 11 12 Vincent and Plant, Philosophy, politics and citizenship, esp. Chapters 3 and 6. For examples of'religious radicals', below, pp. 166-70,272. Hobson, Crisis of Liberalism, pp. 133-8; Freeden, New Liberalism, pp.
