By Kathleen R. Arnold
Within the aftermath of September eleven, donations to the negative and homeless have declined whereas ordinances opposed to begging and drowsing in public have elevated. The elevated safety of public areas has been matched through a quest for elevated protection and surveillance of immigrants. during this groundbreaking learn, Kathleen R. Arnold explores homelessness when it comes to the globalization of the economic system, nationwide identification, and citizenship. She argues that family homelessness and stipulations of statelessness, reminiscent of refugees, exiles, and bad immigrants, are outlined and addressed in comparable methods by means of the political sphere, in this sort of demeanour that every of those teams are subjected to guidelines that perpetuate their exclusion. Drawing on such authors as Freud, Marx, Foucault, Derrida, L?vinas, and Agamben, Arnold argues for a thorough politics of homelessness in response to extending hospitality and the toleration of distinction.
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Extra resources for Homelessness, citizenship, and identity: the uncanniness of late modernity
On the other hand, normative criteria of citizenship are obscured by these individuating processes. This is particularly true of economic criteria, as economic discrimination does not exist as a legal category. However, it is significant that not only does economic discrimination exist but that economic status is an identity, just as much as race or gender. Even as all three categories have a certain basis in reality, all are subject to constructions that go far beyond their physical manifestations.
The confluence of these forces can be seen in the policies and administration of the Poor Laws, for example, in that indigents could be deported to the colonies, whipped, or lose an ear. Consequently, prerogative power and nationalism have not been conceived as merely categories of political power reserved for international relations but inform citizenship. This strand of liberal thought justifies nondemocratic (coercive, hegemonic) power in the liberal context and presupposes an internal Other.
This claim was framed in terms of the right to self-preservation and the preservation of all, as God’s children. All moral obligations to the early liberals, spanning from helping the poor or one’s neighbor to opposing the abuses of an absolute monarch, were rooted in natural law. The implication was that political power should no longer serve the interests of the few, but rather the general public. 22 Homelessness, Citizenship, and Identity That is, political power would embody and protect rights, of which property was included but not the axis.