By Andrew Rawnsley
Andrew Rawnsley's bestselling "The finish of the Party" lifts the lid at the moment half New Labour's spell in workplace. via riveting within bills of the entire key occasions from 9-11 and the Iraq warfare to the monetary difficulty and the parliamentary charges scandal, Rawnsley takes us throughout the triumphs and tribulations of latest Labour. With pleasing images of the most playershe exposes the marvelous feuds and reconciliations among Tony Blair, Gordon Brown and Peter Mandelson. "Rawnsley has talked to each person who has counted during the last ten years...A exceptional account...a sheer pride for the political gourmand. virtually each web page offers a clean perception or piece of knowledge now not formerly within the public domain". (Peter Oborne, "Daily Mail"). "The book's authority rests on a magnificent breadth of research...This vigorous Shakespearian account ...the so much thorough, the main stress-free and the main unique ebook but written approximately New Labour". (David Hare, "The Guardian"). Andrew Rawnsley is affiliate editor and leader political commentator for the "Observer". for a few years he offered BBC Radio 4's Sunday night "Westminster Hour", and he has additionally made a couple of hugely acclaimed tv documentaries.
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Additional info for The End of the Party. Andrew Rawnsley
Sample text
What matters to us is the identification of empirical tracers of sustained PPS as elite coordination and citizen-politician linkage and to explain the extent to which PPS varies across polities, parties, and time. Let us relate our notion of programmatic party system structuration to two other features that play a role in the comparative party system literature: “polarization” between parties and “cleavages” that structure party alignments. Party polarization is a special case of PPS, namely a programmatic structuration of partisan alternatives in which the announced positions of relevant competitors are very far apart.
First, when we say that our study focuses on the “quality” of democracy in Latin America, we employ that notion in a purely positive – that is, descriptive and analytical – sense. It concerns the identification of attributes and features of democratic processes of interest articulation, aggregation, decision making, and policy implementation in Latin American polities. We do not subscribe to a unified normative scale of “high” or “low” quality against which existing democracies can be judged, nor do we attempt to create a parsimonious set of multidimensional “types” of democracy under which empirical cases can be subsumed.
Through periodic elections, agents are held accountable to the mass public. In anticipation of such accountability, agents may be responsive to the principals’ demands and preferences. There is plenty of debate about this normative and positive characterization of such “first principles” of democratic contestation (cf. Collier and Levitsky 1997; Held 1987; Dahl 1989; Shapiro 2003), but in this study we are concerned with the more specific question of how democratic polities express circuits of accountability and responsiveness in light of their existing institutions and the nature of the political actors who inhabit them.
