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Additional resources for The Economist (23 April 2016)
Sample text
The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) says the supply of coke is stable. Cocaine-related deaths fell by 34% between 2006 and 2013. Credit for this decline must go to policing and changing fashion. In the 1970s and early 1980s, cocaine users were either well-off or had disposable income to waste. By the mid-1980s most cocaine was being smoked as crack by poorer Americans. Sentencing laws changed and incarceration rates, especially for young black men, began to soar. One 1986 study showed that in Manhattan 78% of those who agreed to be tested after an arrest for a serious crime tested positive for cocaine.
But it also resisted the siren song of the farleft “Bolivarian revolution” led by the late Hugo Chávez in Venezuela in the following decade. In choosing between political boldness and stability, Brazil generally plumps for the latter. It is no surprise that its most revered post-war presidents were not visionaries but wheeler-dealers: from Juscelino Kubitschek in the 1950s to Lula himself. Mr Temer is also comfortable in smoke-filled rooms. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Lula’s two-term predecessor from the PSDB, was enough of a political operator to be unfazed when the PT forced an impeachment motion (over helping out troubled banks) onto the lower-house agenda after his re-election in 1999.
There was no violence that warranted intervention by the police, let alone the army. Crowds dispersed peacefully. The next morning, normal life resumed. Brazilians are not given to revolutions; they have never had a bloody one. The “coalitional presidentialism” that grew out of the system enshrined in the constitution adopted in 1988, in which a strong executive co-exists with a multiparty legislature, both reflects and reinforces a cultural affinity for consensus. Since 1995 the sitting president’s party has never held more than 20% of all seats in Congress, points out Saulo Porto of Prospectiva, another consultancy.
