By Jesus Arboleya, Rafael Betancourt
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Example text
The bourgeoisie would end up organically incorporated into the neocolonial system, not only in economic but also in cultural terms. ”20 This tendency to assimilate in order to survive as a class within the neocolonial system limited, perhaps more than any other factor, the possibilities of the nonsugar industrial bourgeoisie of leading the country’s political process. After this tendency became a decisive element in the massive incorporation of this sector into the counterrevolution. This conflict was sharpened by the specific factors that influenced the evolution of class relations in Cuba as a result of the progressive development of the labor movement.
The conservative sectors of the Ortodoxos had a greater influence in the first government institutions, but in most cases they also eventually broke with the Revolution. Yet their participation in the counterrevolutionary movement was less organic and decisive than that of the Auténticos. Within the th of July Movement two sectors turned out to be particularly antagonistic and most of their principal leaders later joined the counterrevolution. One of these sectors was the Movimiento de Resistencia Cívica (MRC), a semiautonomous civic group sponsored by the th of July Movement to mobilize support among the liberal bourgeoisie, the middle class, and the intellectuals.
Government in order to find alternatives to the dictatorship. Carrillo had even planned, with financial and political backing from the CIA, to liberate Barquín by bribing his prison guards. Finding out about the junta proposal made to Batista, the head of the army, General Francisco Tabernilla, suggested including in the junta his chief of staff, General Eulogio Cantillo. It was he who was entrusted with the mission of negotiating the transfer of power with Fidel Castro, to whom he admitted having the support of the North Americans.