By Les Switzer, Mohamed Adhikari
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Additional info for South Africa’s Resistance Press: Alternative Voices in the Last Generation under Apartheid
Example text
In addition, BCP needed money to support its projects, and obtaining funds from religious groups (mainly European church groups and the South African Council of Churches, the main Protestant coordinating body in the country) and even some white-owned conglomerates (including the AngloAmerican Corporation) contradicted the BC movement’s emphasis on self-reliance. 28 In an attempt to incorporate black workers into the BC movement, the Black People’s Convention launched a new trade union—the Black Allied Workers’ Union (BAWU)—in 1972.
The UDF’s goal was mass mobilization and not ideological conformity to any specific tradition. The UDF tried but failed to bring BC organizations under its wing, and the trade unions, wary of its loose organizational structures, for the most part also rejected a formal affiliation. On the other hand, the UDF’s nonracial approach appealed to a broad spectrum of white donors inside and outside South Africa, which ensured that substantial funding was available. The UDF, for example, had a yearly budget of more than R2 million by 1987, and more than R200 million had been donated to affiliate organizations.
He suggests that youth organized in overtly political groups was a relatively new phenomenon in South Africa during this period. While the BC movement never really recovered after the state crushed the 1976‒77 uprising, it served to rejuvenate the ANC at home and abroad. Student protest veterans who remained in South Africa were recognized as a key constituency by the ANC, which was far better equipped than the PAC and other exile groups to assist these activists in rebuilding credible opposition groups that in turn could work with parents in developing community civic groups and with workers in organizing trade unions.