By Edward Sapir, David G. Mandelbaum
Writer: Berkeley : college of California Press ebook date: 1949 matters: Language and languages Indians of North the United States tradition Notes: this can be an OCR reprint. there's quite a few typos or lacking textual content. There are not any illustrations or indexes. if you purchase the overall Books version of this booklet you get unfastened trial entry to Million-Books.com the place you could make a choice from greater than one million books at no cost. you may also preview the publication there.
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Extra resources for Selected Writings of Edward Sapir in Language, Culture and Personality
Example text
In practical terms, what this means is that for all Churchill’s talk of empowering the United Nations, the monopoly on atomic weapons – and thus strategic dominance – must be retained by the United States, Britain and Canada (1974: 7287). Churchill’s coding of universal right as Anglo-American offers an uneasy fusion between the colonial discourse of ‘civilisation’ and the new Cold War discourse of freedom and democracy. While the discourse of civilisation identified right with a particular socio-historical entity – as ‘British civilisation’, for example – and so was only available to the colonial subject in an ever-distant evolutionary future, Cold War conceptions of ‘freedom’ and ‘democracy’ remain potentially available to all in each and every abstract now – at least in theory (see Hinds and Windt 1991: 150–3, 184–8, 227–8).
The Cold War thus translated the binary global division of coloniser and colonised into a three-way split: in the terms famously coined by anticolonial journalist Albert Sauvy, into the First World of economically developed states, namely the United States, Western Europe, Japan and the former white settler colonies (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa); the Second World, of the USSR and countries aligned with it or under its dominance; and the Third World of residual colonies, newly independent states and other ‘underdeveloped’ states in Latin America, Africa and Asia (Prashad 2007: 6–9).
As the United States assumed the mantle of the new global superpower after World War II, it made use of existing British political, military and economic structures in the Middle East by granting Britain ‘paramountcy’ in the region; indeed, into the 1950s Eisenhower ‘insisted that Britain should be made to pay as much as possible for the defense of the Middle East’ (Ovendale 1996: 31–2, 134). In reality, however, this ‘paramountcy’ was partial and strictly qualified, and the United States reserved the right to pursue its interests independently, especially in its relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran, and with regard to the partition of Palestine in 1948 and the Suez Crisis of 1956.
