By Graham MacPhee
This e-book bargains a reassessment of present techniques to postwar writing in Britain in mild of ongoing debates in regards to the legacy of imperialism and decolonization, the cultural implications of globalization, and the strengthening of other conceptions of nationwide id around the united kingdom. Graham MacPhee discusses quite a lot of writers from W.H. Auden to Linto Kwsi Johnson and from Sam Selvon to Ian McEwan. He offers case stories of postwar texts, explores serious phrases like 'migrancy' and 'hybridity', and eventually indicates how postwar writers infused the experimentalism of prewar modernism with different cultural traditions to be able to characterize either the ache and the pleasures of multiculturalism.
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Additional info for Postwar British Literature and Postcolonial Studies (Postcolonial Literary Studies)
Sample text
In practical terms, what this means is that for all Churchill’s talk of empowering the United Nations, the monopoly on atomic weapons – and thus strategic dominance – must be retained by the United States, Britain and Canada (1974: 7287). Churchill’s coding of universal right as Anglo-American offers an uneasy fusion between the colonial discourse of ‘civilisation’ and the new Cold War discourse of freedom and democracy. While the discourse of civilisation identified right with a particular socio-historical entity – as ‘British civilisation’, for example – and so was only available to the colonial subject in an ever-distant evolutionary future, Cold War conceptions of ‘freedom’ and ‘democracy’ remain potentially available to all in each and every abstract now – at least in theory (see Hinds and Windt 1991: 150–3, 184–8, 227–8).
The Cold War thus translated the binary global division of coloniser and colonised into a three-way split: in the terms famously coined by anticolonial journalist Albert Sauvy, into the First World of economically developed states, namely the United States, Western Europe, Japan and the former white settler colonies (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa); the Second World, of the USSR and countries aligned with it or under its dominance; and the Third World of residual colonies, newly independent states and other ‘underdeveloped’ states in Latin America, Africa and Asia (Prashad 2007: 6–9).
As the United States assumed the mantle of the new global superpower after World War II, it made use of existing British political, military and economic structures in the Middle East by granting Britain ‘paramountcy’ in the region; indeed, into the 1950s Eisenhower ‘insisted that Britain should be made to pay as much as possible for the defense of the Middle East’ (Ovendale 1996: 31–2, 134). In reality, however, this ‘paramountcy’ was partial and strictly qualified, and the United States reserved the right to pursue its interests independently, especially in its relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran, and with regard to the partition of Palestine in 1948 and the Suez Crisis of 1956.
