By Adam I. P. Smith
In the course of the Civil struggle, Northerners fought one another in elections with nearly as a lot zeal as they fought Southern rebels at the battlefield. but politicians and citizens alike claimed that partisanship used to be harmful in a time of nationwide crisis.
In No occasion Now, Adam I. P. Smith demanding situations the present view that political methods within the North by some means helped the Union be extra good and powerful within the battle. in its place, Smith argues, early efforts to droop get together politics collapsed within the face of divisions over slavery and the aim of the conflict. while, new contexts for political mobilization, resembling the military and the avowedly non-partisan Union Leagues, undermined traditional partisan practices. The administration's supporters quickly used the ability of anti-party discourse to their virtue via connecting their very own antislavery arguments to a strong nationalist ideology. by the point of the 1864 election they sought to de-legitimize partisan competition with slogans like "No social gathering Now yet keen on Our Country!"
No social gathering Now deals a reinterpretation of Northern wartime politics that demanding situations the "party interval paradigm" in American political background and divulges the various ways that the original situations of warfare altered the political calculations and behaviour of politicians and citizens alike. As Smith exhibits, underneath the superficial team spirit lay profound alterations concerning the implications of the struggle for the type of state that the USA used to be to become.
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Additional info for No Party Now: Politics in the Civil War North
Sample text
He was the only congressman from a seceding state to remain in Washington. An old Jacksonian Democrat who had risen from a humble background to become a leading spokesman for the poor white farmers in the mountainous eastern part of his state, Johnson had put up a spirited defense of the “peculiar institution” during the election campaign in which he had reluctantly supported the Southern-rights Democrat, John C. Breckinridge. But Johnson, like many of his constituents, was an unconditional Unionist.
But I want to go and help whip the secesh. ”51 Shortly after the firing on Fort Sumter, a New York publishing house printed a song sheet that celebrated the triumph of patriotism over party: Bold hearts of the Union awaken And prove you are sons of renown All ties of your party now sever And flock ’round your Standard so true Compromise now? Oh never! No! Never! 52 Although he may have behaved like a traditional party leader when it came to patronage positions within the institutional framework of the old federal government—essentially the Treasury and the Post Office—Lincoln consolidated the strategy of making clear the nonpartisan nature of the war effort by appointing Democrats as well as Republicans to key military positions.
One prominent Whig who had been searching for a new political home since the early s was Winfield Scott, the aged General-in-Chief and former Whig presidential candidate. He advised the incoming administration, in a letter to Seward, to “throw off the old and assume a new designation—the Union Party” and stressed—speaking as a Virginian himself—the importance of co-operating with upper South Unionists if civil war were to be avoided. 20 Also included in this alliance were such men as Thomas Ewing of Ohio, who in supported Lincoln but not the rest of the Republican ticket, and Thomas Corwin, a former Whig from Ohio.
