By Joseph Daher
by way of discarding extra universal methods to the get together that concentrate on non secular discourse or army questions, Daher is freed as much as learn what the occasion truly is: a company that's working inside of a particular political and socio-economic context, one who concurrently bargains it a wealthy flooring of help and boundaries its diversity of motion. Daher sincerely and thoroughly positions Hezbollah inside of that context, targeting its historical ties with its major sponsor, Iran, its media and cultural wings, its courting with Western financial regulations, and the influence of the Shi’a inhabitants at the sectarian politics of Lebanon. delivering extra cognizance to the party’s positions on worker’s rights and women’s matters, this clean tackle Hezbollah may be quite precious for knowing the world’s so much tumultuous region.
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Extra info for Hezbollah: The Political Economy of Lebanon’s Party of God
Example text
During this period, the reorganization of the state television station and Middle East Airlines (MEA) was carried out, leading to the lay-off of 2,000 employees (Makdissi 2004: 121; Nasnas 2007: 87). In addition, a new VAT rate of 10 percent was introduced on goods and services. 7 As part of the Hariri government’s attempt to encourage Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), a new law on investments was adopted in 2001 that established a “One stop shop” for private investors (Nasnas 2007: 87). Another law was aimed at attracting “bien fonds,” or property funds, by lifting restrictions on property ownership and setting taxes for foreign investors at the same level as Lebanese citizens.
The political culture fostered by his Mahrumīn movement, and the communitarian awakening he provoked, played an important role in the formation of Hezbollah. The members of Hezbollah today, like its current Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah, Naim Qassem and others such as Hussein Mussawi, were originally members of the Mahrumīn (Charara and Dromont 2004: 86). Although he was never a member of the party, Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah also played a major part in the origins of the Islamic movement, and he is often portrayed as the spiritual father of the Hezbollah (Mervin 2008b: 277).
In Lebanon itself, he established an independent network of services and charitable activities, including the provision of education, healthcare, jobs, food and financial aid, targeting mainly Sunni but benefiting other communities as well (ICG 2010: 2). This business network gave him an important social base in the country’s predominantly clientelist system. 4 In this context, the character of neoliberalism in Lebanon was heavily oriented towards opening up the economy to foreign investment flows, primarily aimed at the banking, financial and real estate sectors, further deepening the heavily financialized nature of the Lebanese economy.
